4. THE FORMATION OF CHRISTENDOM
CONSTANTINE ... AND THE "ROMANIZATION" OF CHRISTIANITY
CONTENTS
Constantine and "imperial" Christianity: An overview
Constantine's rise to power
Constantine takes up the Christian cause
Constantine's assistance in organizing Christian doctrine
The Constantinian legacy
The textual material on the page below is drawn directly from my work found in
A Moral History of Western Society © 2024, Volume One, pages 140-149.
CONSTANTINE
AND "IMPERIAL" CHRISTIANITY: AN OVERVIEW |
In
312 the Roman emperor Constantine dramatically swung his support behind
the Christian faith. And soon under his successors, in accordance
with typical Roman political logic, the rest of the Roman Imperium felt
compelled to do the same. Thus Christianity moved from persecuted
status, to the position of being the official state religion of the
Roman Empire, to the point of becoming itself the source of rigorous
persecution of religious "heretics" – in the Roman urge to force even
intellectual uniformity upon its far-flung political order.
This event was to have a profoundly transforming impact on
Christianity. Christianity at this point (300 years after its founding)
ceased to be solely a private faith of the people before their
God. Instead it was refashioned by the imperial authorities to
serve as the moral-ethical foundation for the entire Roman
empire. Instead of Christianity being a movement of the human
heart beyond the circumstances of this life – it became a way of
disciplining the human heart to the priorities of this life –
particularly priorities as set down by the Imperial authorities.
Thus one of the major things that had made Christianity so appealing to
the multitudes was taken away from it by its being coopted into the
Roman Imperium. It no longer could serve as a direct line to God
for those who were looking in hope for a way out from under the heavy
load of the Roman social order.
Christ was now thought of more as the friend of emperors and co-regent
with them over the empire – than as the friend and personal savior of
the people. In consequence, Mary (mother of Jesus) came to fill
that role of personal friend – as the "Mother of God," (Greek:
Theotokos) in the fashion of the still-popular Earth Mother cults
that had been banned by the authorities. Likewise, the highly
venerated Christian "saints" replaced the other banned pagan gods as
special protectors of the common people in their various enterprises in
life. God and Jesus, Father and Son, had lost out in the hearts of the
people as the source of their personal hopes.
And
personal salvation was no longer a matter of personal faith in God's
son, Jesus. Instead salvation came through the ministrations,
especially of the sacraments by the priestly officers of the official
Church.
|
CONSTANTINE'S
RISE TO POWER |
We
return to the point where we left off in the earlier account of the
Roman emperors. It was 305 when Diocletian and Maximian had
stepped down as co-emperors (Augustuses) – elevating the two Caesars,
Galerius and Constantius, to the positions of Augustus. Maximian
and Constantius were expecting their sons, Maxentius and Constantine
respectively – as the generally expected heirs to power – to be named
by Diocletian as the new Caesars. But instead, apparently under
pressure from Galerius who had his own followers he was promoting,
Diocletian named Severus and Maximinus (no relation to Maximian or
Maxentius) as the new Caesars. Trouble began immediately.
Neither Constantine nor his father, Constantius, the new Augustus of
the West, were willing to accept this decision bypassing
Constantine. Constantine had been raised in the Eastern court
under Diocletian as something of a hostage to ensure Constantius's
total cooperation with Diocletian. With Galerius now occupying
the position of Eastern emperor or Augustus, Constantine knew that his
life was in great danger if he remained in the East. He escaped
to Britain in the West and joined his father (the Western Augustus),
keeping himself busy and building his own military reputation at his
father's side in fighting the troublesome Celtic Picts. But his
father shortly became sick and was clearly dying (306). Something
bold needed to take place if Constantine were to survive without his
father's protection.
Just before his death his father declared Constantine his replacement
as Augustus, angering Severus (who expected Galerius to name him as
Western Augustus) and infuriating Galerius. But Galerius knew he
had to accept some kind of legitimate place for Constantine – or face
war with a young military leader of a fast-growing reputation (the
legions not only of Britain but also Gaul now stood behind
Constantine's claim to the title of Western Augustus). Instead,
Galerius named Constantine to the lesser position as "Caesar" –
although Constantine continued to refer to himself as "Augustus."
At this point Constantine's generally recognized rule extended over
Britain, Gaul (modern France) and Spain – and put at his disposal one
of Rome's largest armies.
Constantine began an impressive series of works projects – importantly
centered on Trier, Rome's administrative center in the northwest near
the German border. From this point he put the Germans on notice
that he would tolerate no more German incursions across the border into
Gaul. He and his father had already pacified the Alamanni, the
German tribe which had been the biggest danger to Gaul during the
previous half century. Constantine then went on to crush the
Franks, who had also been a major problem along the border.
Constantine's reputation began to grow considerably.
Meanwhile Maxentius had grown resentful of Constantine's increasing
popularity – and his own failure to be named by Galerius to any
imperial title. From his position in Italy he ultimately declared
himself emperor (306) – and immediately found himself in battle against
both Galerius and Severus (Maxentius conquered and imprisoned Severus,
taking him out of the contention for emperorship). Supposedly
Constantine was to be Maxentius's ally. But Constantine carefully
avoided involvement in his rebellion – despite Maxentius's father
Maximian's efforts on behalf of his son to connect Constantine with
Maxentius (and despite Constantine's marriage to Maximian's daughter
Fausta). A compromise of sorts was finally reached when Galerius named
Maxentius and Constantine as assistants to the Augustus – but appointed
an ally, Licinius, as Augustus in the West. Constantine largely
ignored this decision, continuing to refer to himself as the Western
Augustus.
At this point (310) Maximian decided to come out of retirement – and,
claiming to a contingent of Constantine's troops (that Constantine had
assigned Maximian to lead in South Gaul while Constantine himself was
fighting Franks in the north) that Constantine had been killed in
battle, Maximian declared himself emperor again. But Constantine
was most decidedly not dead – and his troops largely declined to honor
Maximian. Now a war between two former allies swung into full
action. Maxentius joined his father. But Maximian was soon
captured – and Constantine offered him the more honorable death of
suicide – which Maximian accepted.
Meanwhile Galerius grew very sick and soon died. Into this
political vacuum in the East moved both Maximinus (Galerius's former
Caesar) and Licinius (the supposedly Western Augustus) who seemed
determined to depose each other. At the same time tensions began
to increase in the West between Constantine and Maxentius.
In all of this the Christian community was beginning to play an
increasingly important role in Roman affairs. The horrible
persecution under Diocletian – and possibly even worse under Galerius –
had simply sifted out the weak of heart among the Christians, and left
the remainder strengthened in character – and enhanced in stature among
increasingly admiring Romans. Just before his death in 311
Galerius had decreed an end to the persecution of Christians – although
Maximinus ignored the decree and continued their persecution in the
East. In Italy Maxentius attempted to woo them to his side by
allowing the Christians to elect a new Bishop of Rome. But
Constantine was not unsympathetic to the Christian cause himself.
His father had been tolerant of them as emperor in the West and his
mother Helena was a fully practicing Christian. Constantine
himself seemed to have some interest in the faith – though at what
point and how much early on is difficult today to determine.
|
CONSTANTINE
TAKES UP THE CHRISTIAN CAUSE |
Head of Constantine's Colossial
statue - Emperor (306-337)
Musei Capitolini -
Rome
The Battle of Milvian Bridge
A massive civil war was shaping up as Constantine formed an alliance
with Licinius – and Maxentius formed one with Maximinus. In 312
the war broke out in full. Italy became the scene of the worst of
the encounter as Constantine crossed the Alps to attack Maxentius in
Italy. Step by step Maxentius was pushed back. Along the
Tiber in October of that year just outside of Rome at the Milvian
Bridge the two forces took their final stand.
According
to the account of the contemporary Christian historian
Eusebius (the story varies slightly from one ancient source to
another), Constantine went into battle with a distinct Christian
symbol painted on the shield of each of his soldiers, presumably the labarum, made up of the superimposed Greek letters X (Chi) and P (Rho), representing Χρίστος, that is, the name Christos
or Christ. Constantine told his troops that Christ (or a
heavenly voice) in a dream the night before the battle had instructed
him to go into battle with that painted on their shields ... under the
command Eν Toútω Nίka2 ... "in this, conquer."
And conquer they did. The result the next day was a rout of
Maxentius's army – despite the fact that his army was twice the size of
Constantine's army. Maxentius was drowned in the Tiber amidst the
panic. And Constantine was now able to enter Rome an Augustus in
fact as well as in name.
And very importantly, this event would ultimately be interpreted as a
battle waged by the Christian God as well as by the Roman legions
themselves.
The Edict of Milan and the final path to sole rulership
The
next year Constantine and Licinius (Licinius, although actually the
Western Augustus, found himself in charge of huge regions of the
Eastern Empire as well) met in Milan and formed an alliance, sealed
with the marriage of Constantine's half-sister to Licinius (March
313). At the same time, they jointly published the Edict of
Milan, announcing the end to all religious persecution in the Empire
and restoring all the property seized during the Diocletian/Galerian
persecutions.
But Licinius had to leave abruptly
for the East as news reached him that the Eastern Emperor Maximinus was
organizing a revolt against him. Maximinus was defeated (April
313), leaving Licinius finally unchallenged in the East. With
Maximinus out of the way, Licinius was able to take full command of the
East … and agreed to let Constantine have command of the West.
But
politics being politics, it was inevitable that these two political
giants would fall into conflict. Thus over the next ten years
they fought, then found a way to peace, then returned to battle,
etc. On and on it went, one thing after another stirring a new
round in their contention. Meanwhile, Licinius also found himself
deeply caught up in battle with the Sassanid Persian Empire to the East
of the Roman Empire … and Constantine the same with the troublesome
Sarmatians and Goths to the North and East … Constantine going after
them into territory that Licinius considered to be his realm.
This then provoked an all-out war between the two emperors (324) …
fought at the very walls of Byzantium and then at Chrysopolis … where
Licinius was defeated and imprisoned – and executed the following
year. Constantine was thus the sole ruler of the Roman Empire.
The first Christian emperor – and the foundation of "Christendom"
But
Constantine's interest in Christianity now became a much greater matter
than mere toleration of the faith. Clearly, Constantine saw in
this faith the foundations of a revitalized moral order that had been
lacking in Rome for centuries … and that Diocletian's recent efforts to
put a stronger order under Rome through political reform at the top had
brought no particular improvement – perhaps even a worsening of the
very divisive political situation Rome had been experiencing for
decades … even centuries. No … Constantine was deeply determined
to bring Rome back to good order through the virtues of the Christian
faith. And basically he succeeded.
That meant having to decide what parts of the widely diverse doctrines
associated with Christianity were to be upheld as critical to this new
Roman-Christian order … and what parts were to be dismissed – even
suppressed. After all … the central issue for Constantine was
about social order.
But other influences that came from outside of the original founding of
the faith in Jewish Palestine should possibly be accommodated –
especially in the way they spoke clearly to the hearts of the commoner
Christians. While these stood outside of the canon of Scripture,
they certainly could be accommodated by some degree of religious
"expansion" of the original faith.
Constantine as Pontifex Maximus.
Constantine made it very clear early on in his rule that he was to be
seen as more than just a political ruler. He took for himself the
title Pontifex Maximus ("High
Priest") – not however as someone intending to lead in some form of
traditional temple sacrifices … but simply and clearly as the ultimate
"Protector of the Faith." If Rome was to be a religious empire as
well as a political empire, it would have to be made clear that he was
as much the head of the religious portion as he was of the political
portion of the Empire. That was very Roman of him. But what
that had to do with Jesus was not entirely clear.
2En touto Nika ... later translated into Latin as, in hoc signo vinces.
From an 800s Byzantine manuscript showing Constantine at Milvian Bridge
conquering under the sign of the cross ... engraved with the Greek inscription ἐν τούτῳ νίκα
(En touto Nika – "In this conquer" ... its Latin equivalent: In hoc signo vinces)
CONSTANTINE'S
ASSISTANCE IN ORGANIZING CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE |
The Donatist controversy
Within six months of his victory at Milvian Bridge Constantine was
asked by the Donatists in North Africa to intervene in their dispute
with "apostate" bishops (ones who under the pressure of the Diocletian
persecutions had denied their faith). The Donatists refused to
recognize the authority of these bishops to administer the sacraments
(ordination, baptism, the eucharist or Lord's Supper, etc.). In a
way the question was one of works versus grace, or successful
self-discipline versus the forgiveness for failure. The vast
majority of the catholic ("universal") or orthodox ("correct-thinking") bishops3 were opposed to the stance of the Donatists.
The Catholic/Orthodox view favored the forgiveness of the fallen
bishops. This was, after all, one of the key principles of the
faith.
Constantine
finally did intervene in 314 – but took the Catholic/Orthodox position
and found in favor of the compromised but restored bishops against the
Donatists, and ordered the Donatists to submit to the authority of
these bishops.
But the Donatists would have none of it. The Donatists had,
after all, stood the test of persecution and could see no reason to bow
to the authority of those they saw as having conveniently (albeit
briefly) denied their faith in order to save themselves from the wrath
of Diocletian. Moreover, the Donatists had faced the
hostility of emperors before without yielding – and they felt no need
to start doing so at this point.
The results of defying the emperor – even a Christian emperor – had
predictable results. In 317 Constantine sent troops to North
Africa to force the Donatists into submission to his decision, thus
setting off the first instance of Christians persecuting other
Christians because of differences in the way they interpreted their
faith. A large number of Donatists were banished – though
ultimately even this did not bring the Donatists into compliance, so
tough was their stance. Indeed, it was not until the Muslim
conquest of North Africa in the 600s that the Donatist movement finally
died out!
The Arian controversy – and the "Nicene" decision
Then
there was the matter – one that would never really go away over
Christianity's long history – of Trinitarianism versus Unitarianism.
A works-versus-faith dispute had developed between Alexander, Bishop
of Alexandria, and a presbyter (priest) of his, Arius. Arius was
a strong advocate of the Monarchian or "Unitarian" position … which saw
Jesus as attaining divine or godly status only upon his arrival in
heaven – as something of a reward for his Messianic work while on
earth. In other words, while on earth Jesus was not part of the
godhead, not really the Logos of John – but simply a Messiah or Christ
called by God to exemplify the perfect Christian life. Jesus was
therefore not a God fully able to pay for the sins of all humankind on
a Roman cross – but simply an outstanding moral example. True, he
now could be considered something of a god … although of derivative or
lesser standing than the sole eternal God of heaven. And as for
the Holy Spirit … Arius as a Unitarian had little thought on the matter
– since it was by man's own decision, rather than by some kind of
intervention of a Holy Spirit, that the test of faith was to be lived
out. Righteous works of a holy man or woman – following the high
moral example set by Jesus as the Christ – was, to the Unitarian such
as Arian, what Christianity was ultimately all about.
In response to Arius, Alexander requested a hearing on the matter
before Constantine, resulting in the Council of Nicaea of 325 …
Constantine presiding. Alexander and the "Trinitarians" saw
"God" in three different manifestations or "persons": God the
Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit – "Three in One" … all of
a single God-nature, but relating to humankind in three different ways
or roles.
Thus the Jesus that died on the cross was not merely a morally perfect
individual but indeed God himself. The sins of a good man – even
a perfect man – could possibly atone or pay for the sins of others … at
least a few others. But only a God dying on that cross could pay
for the sins of all humankind.
And as all humans are guilty of "original sin" – inherited from their
ancient ancestors – sin would be a problem they would struggle with all
their lives on earth. No one was perfect … as Christ made clear
when he rescued the woman purposely caught in the act of adultery (John
8:1-11) by challenging those without sin to throw the first stone in
her death sentence. But recognizing their own sinfulness, the
accusers, starting with the oldest and wisest of the gathered
"enforcers" quietly exited from the scene. Thus to the
Trinitarians – we are all sinners … despite our efforts to atone for
our sins or redeem ourselves through our good works. Only God can
offer such atonement.
Furthermore, faith itself is not earned or achieved through human
effort … but solely as a gift of God given to us … a wonderful mystery
of God's pure grace (Romans 8). Claiming that such faith is a
human achievement is a sad attempt to substitute human works for God's
grace.
In any case, there was no way that Arius was going to win that contest
… for the vast majority of the Christian bishops and presbyters or
priests were strongly supportive of the Trinitarian view. And for
good reason. Holy Scripture (the Bible) clearly supported the
Trinitarian understanding of the Divine Dynamic!
Thus resulted the Nicene decision … and its Nicene Doctrine – and what
is often described as "Nicene Christianity" … another term for
Trinitarianism.
But the problem was that while the better-instructed of the Christian
community (the priests or clergy) would be able to come to such a
complex Trinitarian understanding of things, many of the commoner
Christians could not – or even would not. To them, religion was a
social duty … necessary for the good order in their lives.
Anything beyond that was too "intellectual," too lofty, for serious
usefulness in a person's daily life.
And being either of Greek, Roman, or even Semitic cultural background
would also play a role in this Trinitarian-versus-Unitarian
contest. The Greeks, already of something of a mystic mindset,
had less difficulty following Trinitarian logic. The Romans
perhaps had some difficulties in understanding such matters … but since
their ruling authorities supported the Trinitarian doctrine, being good
Romans, they did so as well. But the Semitics of Syria, Palestine
and Arabia would find themselves highly resistant to the complexities
of Trinitarianism (also too "Greek" for their tastes). And later,
when the German tribes would be absorbed into the Roman order, at first
they readily accepted Christianity – but in the simpler Unitarian
form. It would take some time before their tribal leaders
converted to Trinitarianism – with their tribes then being brought into
Trinitarianism along with them.
3Both
terms, "catholic" and "orthodox," were originally more or less
interchangeable – until gradually the term "catholic" tended to refer
to the Roman church in the West and the term "orthodox" tended to refer
to the Roman church in the East.
Constantine's impact on Christianity
Certainly it was Constantine that forged the "synthesis" between Rome
and Christianity that became Christendom. Whether or not he was
doing Christianity any great favor is a matter of great debate.
His own spiritual commitment to Christianity is itself debatable.
He continued to honor the Sun god, the Sol Invictus (understood at that
times as Helios or Mithras – or even Jesus), establishing Sunday as a
religious day of rest in honor of the Unconquerable Sun. He and
his mother Helena were builders of many churches – though they did so
in the fashion of those who built pagan temples: honoring them with the
name of some great saint – just as the pagans had done with their
gods. Constantine also found ways of honoring the old pagan gods
– for instance setting up a statue of himself in honor of Helios in the
Forum of Constantinople.
Church worship itself took on a more regal character under Constantine,
with worship services started up with elaborate processions into the
basilica-styled churches, complete with chanting and the burning of
incense by lavishly dressed officials. All worship was focused
forward – toward the elevated altar and chairs on which sat the
presiding priests or bishops, who performed most of the religious
duties in front of a passively arrayed congregation (much as the pagan
priests had operated).
His Christianity personally did not seem to have any softening effect
on some of the more chilling features of imperial rule: in the summer
of 326, for reasons not clear to us today, he had his oldest son
Crispus and his wife Fausta murdered.
His real impact however was in how his designation as a Christian made
the Christian faith now "politically correct." It made sense for
those seeking court favors and appointments from Constantine to also be
"Christian." Thus the church, once thinned down in membership by
intense persecution to only the most stalwart of the faith, was now
filled with multitudes whose motivation for being "Christian" was more
social or political than spiritual.
The episcopacy
For the first 300 years of its existence Christian communities had
remained small (usually even secretive) and organized only at the local
level under local elders or pastors and teachers ... much like the
Jewish communities from which Christianity was originally drawn.
But with Constantine's official Romanization of Christianity, a
bureaucratic structure was built over the Christian world ...
officiated by priests, led themselves by bishops, and the bishops
directed by archbishops or patriarchs. Eventually of the last
group, five would emerge to dominate the array of bishops and
archbishops: the patriarchs4
of: 1) Rome (also known as the inheritor of the Keys of St. Peter and
thus the Father of the faith), 2) Constantinople, 3) Alexandria, 4)
Antioch and 5) Jerusalem. Every effort of the five was made to
keep their responsibilities cooperative ... although different
political priorities in different parts of the Empire would eventually
cause these five religious bureaucracies to move along more independent
lines.
A shift in the sense of the nature and consequence of Jesus's ministry
A slow and almost imperceptible shift was also taking place in the
understanding of the significance of Jesus's death and
resurrection. In the early days of the church, the understanding
was that Jesus's death and resurrection – but particularly the latter,
his resurrection – was a very strong indicator of the end of the old
life … and the beginning of a new era: one produced by the Parousia
or coming of a new heaven and a new earth … supposedly in the very near
future. This is what emboldened early Christians in the face of a
world that proved not very accommodating to the Christian mission and
ministry. But … supposedly what the world took as its
justification in persecuting Christianity was ultimately of little
consequence to the Christian believer – because all of that was soon to
be swept away with Christ's second coming.
But with the "delay" of the Parousia
– generations now passing on without that all-critical second coming
taking place – a more tired or resigned spirit characterized the
Christian view of life's dynamics. The "evil" of the surrounding
world weighed ever-heavier on the Christian heart … more noticeable as
to being "the" problem that Christianity faced.
The cruelty of the world was very evidently well-symbolized by Jesus
nailed on the cruel Roman cross. And thus the crucified Christ,
rather than the resurrected Christ, became the image that Christians
increasingly held before them. Christ's larger purpose now seemed
to be to continuously suffer on that cross for the sins of humankind,
rather than lead or free people from those sins … like the Christ
rising from the grave.
Salvation through the priestly powers of the Roman Church
The burden of sin thus grew ever heavier as something that the
believers found themselves struggling with – something that their mere
personal faith no longer seemed to lift them above. They would
need help from some other source.
And that source increasingly became the Church itself.
Salvation once offered by Jesus Christ through the faith of the
believer, was now replaced by the idea that the priestly church,
through ritualized confession, formalized prayers, and ultimately the
dispensation of its seven sacraments by the hands of the officers of
the church (priests and bishops), was the source of a person's
salvation … and ultimately heavenly reward at death. So it was
that the Church and its religious offerings – and not the personal
faith of the believer – came to be understood as to what "saved" souls.5
The Blessed Virgin and the Saints
Also … an interesting Christian impulse that has no support in the
Christian Scriptures is the veneration of the saints – and the
veneration of Jesus's mother, Mary. As with the Greco-Roman
impact of Platonism on the Christian faith, so also some of the pagan
practices of the times of the Church's early formation seemed to have
helped early to shape features of Christian life and practice.
This became especially so after the outlawing by Roman authorities of
prayers to the pagan deities and the outlawing of the very widespread
Eastern worship of "Earth Mother" (Isis, Demeter, Astarte, Aphrodite,
etc.) in the 300s
.
The early Christian martyrs naturally stood as heroes – saints of a
special caliber – that naturally would be venerated for their
exceptional lives (and deaths). But the practice of praying to
them to intercede in performing special favors (safety in travel,
protection of the home, support in romance, etc.) also tended to mirror
the pagan practice of praying to certain deities known to have special
powers in these particular matters. So too now the saints were
prayed to – saints who were recognized to have particular powers in
this or that matter. Indeed, very early on, praying to the saints
became a quite common Christian practice.
Then
Mary began to loom large in the Christian heart … approached much
more often than Jesus in prayer for this matter or that. This practice
actually had an early start … as early as the time of Irenaeus (late
100s), who mentioned her important role in the act of salvation.
Little by little Mary gained importance as an intercessor between the
ordinary Christian and the awesome Jesus Christ … Jesus now seen as
Christus Rex – Christ the King – that is, as Jesus becomes loftier and
more distant. This becomes especially the case as Jesus takes on
the role of protector of the Roman imperium ... and of the emperors
themselves. Thus the common people's prayers are directed not to
Jesus but to Mary … especially when those prayers arise from concerns
and burdens brought on by Roman imperial authority itself.
Mary is soon even accorded the role as "co-redeemer" with Christ
… able of her own to bring salvation to the Christian. Then
finally, as a decision of the Council of Ephesus in 431, she was
recognized as not merely Christotokos – Mother of Christ – but even
Theotokos – Mother of God.
Soon churches were dedicated to Mary. And pictures of her – with
a sweet but rather helpless baby Jesus in her arms – hung at church
altars and in the homes of the faithful everywhere. It was thus
that she, not Jesus, became the primary redipient of the Christian's
prayers and praises.
This occurred throughout all Christendom, the Western or Catholic
("Universal") part of Rome … as well as in the Eastern or Byzantine or
Orthodox ("Socially or Legally Correct") part of Rome.
The division of Rome permanently into an "East" and "West"
Soon after Constantine's defeat of Licinius he began the work of
redeveloping the town of Byzantium, located at a very strategic point
along the narrows where the Black Sea begins to connect with the
Mediterranean, into a new imperial capital. This capital was not
intended to rival the old city of Rome (which was suffering terribly
from "inner-city" decay) – but to greatly exceed it. In a way
this brought the Roman command center closer to its border problems
with the Germans to the north (across the Danube) and the Persians or
Sassanids to the East. Strategically this made a lot of sense.
But this move to the East also worsened the status of the old city of
Rome all the more. About the only thing of note that still gave
some importance to old Rome was that its bishop located there typically
commanded the voice of all of Western Christianity ... something that
would come to have increasing importance to "Western Civilization" in
the centuries to follow.
4Also known as Fathers of the faith ... although the Father or Papa
or "Pope" of Rome was considered the "first among equals" – because he
was supposedly the inheritor of the legacy or "keys" of the first
bishop of Rome, Saint Peter – Jesus's preeminent disciple.
5This matter of
salvation offered by the priestly Church rather than through the simple
faith of the individual believer would ultimately surface a thousand
years later as a very divisive issue, splitting the Church into two
brutally hostile communities, the "Catholics" and the "Protestants."
Miles
H. Hodges
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